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Meanwhile the King seemed bent upon a path that remove the already extremely fragile underpinnings of Romania’s only counterbalance to Soviet and German-Hungarian domination – its political ties with the Western democracies of France and Great Britain. That said, re-reading this study in light of my own later work on the Cold War, I am struck by the persistent recurrence of basic elements of Romania’s security dilemma. the introduction in Tatiana Vladimirovna Volokitina, Tofik M. Poliakova, editors, Transilvianskii Vopros: Vengero-Rumynskii Territorialnii Spor i SSSR, 1940-1946. Howell, The Soviet Partisan Movement 1941-1944, Washington D.
Surrounded by powers that did not wish it well, and blocked by them from consolidating a regional alliance that would empower the smaller states of the region vis-à-vis their larger neighbors, Romania continued to seek security guarantees from outside that region, and continued striving for equality with its larger and great power partners. Dokumenti [The Transylvanian Question: The Romanian-Hungarian Territorial Dispute and the USSR 1940-1946, Documents], Moscow, Russian Academy of Sciences and the Russian Federal Archives, Rosspen 2000. Watts, With Friends Like These: The Soviet Bloc’s Clandestine War Against Romania, Bucharest, Military Publishing House, 2010, pp.
As I look back upon the process, I am rather surprised it was ever completed.
In a horrific turn of events Jan Åke disappeared while monitoring elections in Latvia soon after we began our collaboration, sparking an agonizing seven-month-long search before his remains were recovered in a Latvian lake, his wallet and valuables untouched.However, subsequent publication of the King’s own journals indicate that when he came to power in 1930 he was already thoroughly dedicated to the destruction of Romania’s constitutional monarchy, and especially of its multi-party and parliamentary system – which he referred to disparagingly as the “French system.” It now appears that King Carol II was influenced by a variety of German agents, including former colleagues from Potsdam’s Infantry Regiment in which he served for a time while still a prince prior to World War I, as well as members of the German-branch of the Hohenzollern family to whom he was related, and an assortment of German military attaches, including the infamous Alfred von Gerstenburg, who accepted Romania’s formal withdrawal from the Axis in August 1944 and only to then bombard the capital of Bucharest and provoke a state of war with their former allies.Thus, the King’s maneuvering between the Western Allied powers and the Third Reich during 1930-1940 might be better understood less as a series of tactical measures and more as a profound contradiction – if not schizophrenia – among Romanian foreign and security policymakers prior to September 1940.The new departmental staff required my presence in Los Angeles at least once a semester, during which I would also have to been enrolled.Those conditions, the cost of enrollment together with the ten-hour time difference, the cost of travel between Bucharest and Los Angeles, and my work obligations in Romania, made the completion of my doctorate at UCLA prohibitive.